Saturday, February 08, 2014

Seeing Jesus

I am intrigued when I hear people saying that they have seen Jesus here on earth. I understand what they mean, but in a purely technical sense that is not possible.

When Jesus was born as a baby, he took on a human body. That significantly limited his abilities. He could only be in one place at a time. When he was in Galilee, the people in Jerusalem could not see him.

When Jesus was raised from the dead, he was given a new spiritual body. This givens him greater freedom to move in the spiritual realms, but he can still only be in one place at a time. Forty days after the resurrection, Jesus ascended into the spiritual realms to be at the right hand of God. That is where he is now. He cannot be here on earth at the same time.

In light of this reality, when Christians say that they have seen Jesus, there are three possibilities.

  1. Jesus sent the Holy Spirit to represent him in the physical world. The Holy Spirit is a person, but he did not become a man, so he is not constrained in the same way as Jesus was, and still is. He can be at any place in the world at the same time. He is the Spirit of Jesus, who gives glory to Jesus, not to himself. So many people who believe they are having an encounter with Jesus are really having an encounter with the Holy Spirit.

  2. Christians can see by faith into the spiritual realms. I have described how this works in the Spiritual Realms. When Christians see into the spiritual realms, they see Jesus. This is not surprising, because spiritually we are seated beside him at the right hand of God in the spiritual realms. When we see him in the spiritual realms, it can seem like he is beside us here on earth, because that is the way we see, but Jesus has not returned to earth. The truth is the other way round. In the spirit, we have moved into the realms and see him there.

Friday, February 07, 2014

Central Banks and Inequality

Inequality of Incomes is becoming a significant political issue.

In an interview with Jennifer Cordingly, Frank Hollenbeck discusses the contribution of central banks to income inequality.



Central bank inflation is a major cause of inequality, but this problem is usually missing from the discussion. A fuller discussion of the problem is in this article called How Central Banks Cause Income Inequality.

Inflation assists asset holders, because they get a capital gain. Often it is tax free. The people in the financial sector who manage financial assets do extremely well too.

People on fixed incomes, such as wages and pensions are hurt by inflation.

Thursday, February 06, 2014

Being Church


Economic Motivation (7) Sectors

A modern economy consists of five institutional sectors. Each one is motivated by a different love.

1. Household Sector
This sector consists of family activities. In the western world, the household sector focuses on consumption, but in other parts of the world households engage in production. The household sectors owns assets and supplies labour to the market sector. The motivation in the household sector is love of family.

2. Market Sector
Most people can improve their situation by supplying what they are most efficient at producing to the market and buying what they need from the most efficient producers. In a modern economy, the market sector is the largest sector in the economy. The motivation for the market sector is love of self and doing to others what you want others to do to you. The market sector functions better if there is more of the latter than the former.

3. Shared Services Sector
Some of the services that people need are not available from the market, so groups will get together to provide them for themselves. The services are provided by a subscription or membership fee. Sports clubs and horticultural societies are examples. The motivation for this sector is love of neighbour and love of self. The sector is more effective if there is not too much love of self. Churchs fit into this sector, and the next.

4. Philanthropic Sector
Charities and other philanthropic groups provide goods and services to people in need. Income in this sector comes from donations. In a strong society, this sector will be effective. The motivation in this sector is love of neighbour and love of others.

5. Government Sector
This sector uses coercion to change people’s behaviour. It provides shared services like defence and justice. Love of self is a strong motivator in this sector, because those with government power assume that they no better than others what is good for them. They are willing to take other people’s money to do what they think is good.

Modern economics analysis focusses on the market and government sectors. The other three sectors are equally important in a strong society.

Wednesday, February 05, 2014

Economic Motivation (6) Economics

Economists like to simplify the world to make their models easier to manipulate. Optimising one variable is much easier than optimising five variables with variable weighting between them. Therefore, they have chosen to ignore love of family, love of neighbour and responsibilities to others. They focus exclusively on love of self, and their models concentrate on optimising self-love. That makes their models easier to estimate, but it means they no longer reflect reality. For some purposes, this might not matter, but in many situations it will make their conclusions unrealistic.

This simplification of reality means that economists tend to attribute all economic growth to people pursing self-interest. The emphasis on self-interest has caused Christians to worry that their morality is inconsistent with economic development. Their worries are unjustified. The emphasis on self-interest is a distortion of reality, so we do not need to change our morality to fit with economics. Christians values deal with economic reality. Economics needs to adjust its theory to fit with economic reality. Not the other way round.

Tuesday, February 04, 2014

Economic Motivation (5) Balance

The balance between different types of activities will be different for different people. The balance for each person will vary from season to season.

  • A woman with a young family may spend most of her time serving her children, and a bit of time serving her neighbours.

  • A man called to be a pastor will spend most of his time serving people who are his neighbour.

  • A young woman studying to be a doctor will have to devote most of her time to serving self.

  • A man called to be in business will spend most of his time serving Others. The common view that a person has to be selfish to succeed in business is wrong. Success in business means serving others. Totally selfish people usually fail in business, because they are incapable of doing to others what they want done to themselves. They want others to do for them what they will not do for others.

Each person must balance their life between loving self, loving family, loving neighbours and doing to Others what they want others to do to them, under and overall love for God. Loving God will manifest in a different mix of loving self, loving family, loving neighbours and serving others for each person. The most important thing is that we are all accountable to God and live our lives in obedience to him.

We should be careful about judging others. It is easy to look at a successful business person like Bill Gates and say that he spent to much times serving himself and not enough to time serving others, but we do not know what God required of him. We do not know what God put him on this off for. We cannot look into his heart and understand know his motivation. What looks likes loving self may often be doing to others what we want others to do for us.

Christian faith does not contradict business activity. It actually requires it from most of us. God requires different things from different people. Some people will fulfil their calling by engaging full-time in business activity.

Monday, February 03, 2014

Good News for Dry Bones

Ezekiel’s vision of the dry bones contains a message that we often miss (Ezek 37). Only when the bones were joined together bone to bone did the spirit come upon the body and raise it to life. The order is important. The bones joined together first. When the bones were joined together, Ezekiel prophesied again, and the Holy Spirit came on the body and it rose to become a might army.

Many prophets are prophesying an outpouring of the Holy Spirit. Many Christians are praying for it. Few are prophesying to the dry bones of the body and calling them to join together bone to bone, so God can attach theme together with tendons and flesh. This books describes how dry bones can join together in a way that allows the Holy Spirit to move in fulness.


Economic Motivation (4) Surplus

People use their surplus production in different ways.

  • If a person fulfilling their calling produces more goods and services than they need for themselves and to support their family, they have three options. They can:

    • keep it for themselves (love yourself).
    • give it to their neighbours (love your neighbour)
    • sell it on the market (do to others what you would want them to do to you).
    We make choices between these options, whenever we engage in economic activity. Everything we do must be done for someone. We have the ability and responsibility for deciding whom we will do things for.

  • The selfish option of keeping all we produce for ourselves and our family will often be wrong. There will be situations where it makes sense to save our resources, so we can make or buy capital equipment that will make us more fruitful in the future. However, keeping everything for ourselves, so that we take life easy is usually wrong. This is confirmed by the parable of the “barn man”. Jesus said that he was a fool.

  • Sometimes we will give some of what we have produced to our neighbours. This is what God requires. We are to love our neighbour as ourselves. We must do this wisely, because none of us will have sufficient to give every neighbour all that they need. If we tried to do this, we would end up with nothing left for ourselves and our families. Loving our neighbour does not take priority over loving ourselves. We are not required to give everything that we have produced to our neighbours. Everyone in the world is not our neighbour. Some will be “others” who need some of the goods and services that we have produced, even though we are not required to love them.

  • Most of what we produce beyond the needs of our family will be sold on the market. This is legitimate, because it is doing to others what we would have them do to us. We all need goods and services from other people. We want them to exchange what we need from them for what we have that they need.

  • I do not know how to cut my hair, so I need the skill of a hairdresser. There are no hairdressers in my family or among my neighbours, so I am happy to pay someone to cut my hair. I want a person I do not know to cut my hair in exchange for a reasonable payment. That is what I want this person who is an Other to do for me. That means that I must be prepared to do the same for Others, because God says I should do for Others, what I expect them to do for me. I must be prepared to provide my skills to others, in exchange for payment from them. If I am not prepared to do this for Others, I cannot expect others to do things for me.

Sunday, February 02, 2014

Being Church

Over the last few months, I have been preparing an American edition of my book called Being Church Where We Live for release. This book gives a new vision for the church for the next season. When darkness spreads, old ways of doing church will fail, and the Body of Christ will need a more resilient way of being church. I sense that the times are getting close when Americans will really need this book. I want it to be available in a format that American’s can afford when times get really tough. It is available on Amazon now for an introductory price of $8.00 until 15 February, so grab one while you can.

Economic Motivation (3)

Applying the various love commands to economic behaviour has the following implications.

  • Our first priority is to serve God. He has a purpose of each one of us. Every person should find their calling and pursue it to God glory. If our calling is to business, then we should take it just as seriously as if we were called to be an evangelist.

  • Self-interest requires that we produce food, clothing and shelter to sustain our lives. This is legitimate activity for everyone as we will not be in a state to make economic decisions, if we do not sustain our body and soul.

  • Self-interest is dangerous if it gets out of control and dominates our lives. We must not live just for ourselves. The man who built barns to hold his surplus crops is an example of someone who did this.

    Then he said, ‘This is what I’ll do. I will tear down my barns and build bigger ones, and there I will store my surplus grain. And I’ll say to myself, “You have plenty of grain laid up for many years. Take life easy; eat, drink and be merry.”’ “But God said to him, ‘You fool! This very night your life will be demanded from you. Then who will get what you have prepared for yourself’ (Luke 12:18-20)?
    Taking things easy is not the goal of human life. Eating, drinking and being merry is not a meaningful calling. The person who ignores their calling and lives for themselves is a fool.

  • We are all required to care for our families. Each person needs to produce enough to provide food and shelter to sustain them.

  • Most of us will not be capable of producing everything that our family needs. It will usually be more effective for us to focus on something we are skilled at, and sell some of what we have produced to buy what our family needs. This is sensible.

  • Some people will sell their labour to someone else to earn enough to provide for their families. This is legitimate too, but less ideal, because anyone who is employed by another, loses some freedom. This makes it difficult for them to serve God with all their heart, soul and strength, because their employer wants some of our soul and strength for his purposes.

Saturday, February 01, 2014

Economic Motivation (2) Choices

Augustine of Hippo explained that our behaviour ranks people according to their significance to us. We do more for those that we love the most. We give the most to those who have the greatest significance to us.

In all our activities, we must constantly make decisions about whom our actions will benefit. Sometimes we will do things for ourselves. Sometimes we will do things for our neighbour. In other situations, we will decide to do things for others. In other words, we must constantly decide between loving ourselves, loving our families, loving our neighbours, or doing to others what we want done to us.

We have limited resources and limited time, so we cannot do all of these all of the time. If I give help to my neighbour, I will have less for myself. If keep more of what I own for my family, I have will less for my neighbour, and for others. If I spend more time serving others, I will have less time for myself. Economists call this scarcity. Scarcity means that I do not have the resources to do everything that I might want to do. I have to make choices, between keeping things for myself, giving things to my family, giving things to my neighbours, and supplying things to others in exchange for what I need.

Although it might be simpler, we cannot choose one category of person, and ignore all the others. God has given us a duty to them all.
The Bible does not give rules for deciding how to prioritise between loving ourselves, loving our family, loving our neighbour, and supplying others. We learn how to make these choices by listening the Holy Spirit and learning from the scriptures. Some decision will be quite hard, with no easy options.

These ideas might seem obvious to most people, but economists have struggled to get hold of them.

Friday, January 31, 2014

Economic Motivation (1)

A basic principle of modern economics is that all economic behaviour is motivated by self-interest. Self-interest is a powerful motivator of economic activity, but it seems to be contrary to Christian morality. Capitalism has lifted economic well-being in an amazing way, but capitalistic economic theory seems to require people to pursue their self-interest exclusively. The pursuit of self-interest supports economic growth, but it does not fit well with Christian morality. This is a conundrum that needs a solution.

Some economists advocate dropping traditional morality and encouraging people to think only of themselves (see Capitalism without Guilt). Christians cannot accept this option, so we need a better option. We need a theory of economic behaviour that does not contradict Christian morality. The solution is not to drop Christian morality, but to understand that modern economic theory is incorrect in assuming that all economic behaviour is motivated by self-interest. This assumption only explains some economic behaviour. For example, most people care for their families. Many people show amazing generosity to people in need. Sometimes it is self-serving, but often it is not. Economic thinking has to go beyond self-interest to explain altruistic behaviour.

The insight I gained from scholastic economics is that everything we do is for a person. Things are means to achieve ends, which are persons. The big question is which person.

The New Testament specifies five categories of person our actions can serve.

1. God
God is so amazing that everyone on earth should love him.

Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your strength and with all your mind (Luke 10:27).
Jesus said we are to love God with all we are. God must come first in everything. We must love him, because he is worthy. Love of God should drive all our actions and behaviour. Love of God takes priority over love of self and love of neighbours, but it does not contradict them, because he has not commanded us no to love ourselves.

2. Self
Loving yourself is normal. Most people to do it naturally.
Love your neighbour as yourself (Luke 10:27).
When Jesus said we should love our neighbour as our self, he recognised that it is natural for humans to pursue their self-interest, ie to love oneself. There is nothing wrong with that. We are expected to nurture our bodies (Eph 5:29). We are to seek God’s blessing (Luke 6:21). We love ourselves naturally, because that is the way that God has created us.

3. Family
Husbands and wives are required to love each other and to love their children.
Husbands ought to love their wives as their own bodies (Eph 5:28).
We must love our family and have a responsibility to provide for them and care for them.

4. Neighbour
Jesus commanded us to love our neighbour.
Love your neighbour as yourself (Luke 10:27).
This command extends beyond our immediate family to those who live close to or work with us. Jesus radicalised this command by extending the boundary of who is our neighbour to include all the people we encounter during everyday life. His definition includes people from different ethnic and social groups that we meet up with in various ways.

5. Others
The “Others” groups includes all the other people in the world, beyond our neighbours. Jesus said,
Do to others as you would have them do to you (Luke 6:31).
The thieves working on the road from Jerusalem to Jericho were others, not neighbours of the Good Samaritan. People living in other countries are others in this context. We should treat others as we would like to be treated.

We are not required to love others as ourselves, or as our neighbour, as that would be impossible. Rather we are required to do to others what we would have them do to us. We do not expect others to love us, because they do not know us. However, we would like them not to harm us. We would like them to exchange their surplus production with us. We would like them to sell their expertise, if we have need of it. We do not expect them to provide stuff to us for free, because they do not know us. If we have skills that would benefit them, we would like supply them to us in return for an appropriate payment.

Monday, January 27, 2014

Redeeming Economics (13) Two Problems

The book Redeeming Economics by John D Mueller has a couple of serious weaknesses. First, he advocates natural law. Natural laws are those that can be derived by human reason, rather than by revelation. The problem with natural law is that almost anything can be derived by human reason, depending on the starting assumptions. If the natural law theologian begins with Christian assumptions, they do not want to far from the truth. When secular assumptions are applied, natural law can go anywhere.

The other problem with the book is that Mueller adopts Aristotle’s theory of distributive justice. Aristotle was an advocate of political power, so he believed that every government must have a principle for distributing goods among its citizens.

The scholastic “economists” favored both voluntary and socially organized redistribution of wealth to favor the less fortunate. But they also recognized that the capacity for such giving is always limited by the fact of scarcity. Absolute equality of wealth or income is neither practically possible nor useful to society, since it would require abolishing private property with its triple advantages of productivity, order and social peace. Policymakers’ direct control does not extend beyond what the government can tax, subsidize or regulate.
This approach to distributive justice has been used to support the redistributionist policies of modern governments. This is a dangerous trend, because compulsory redistribution by taxation is not supported by the scriptures.

Saturday, January 25, 2014

Redeeming Economics (12) Interest

In his book Redeeming Economics, John D Mueller has some interesting insights on the issue of interest. The scholastic economists were opposed to interest. Mueller explains the reason. They had adopted an assumption from Aristotle that economic growth does not take place. Based on their experience, this assumption seemed quite reasonable.

They adopted Aristotle’s assumptions that the population and its average standard of living does not increase—because mankind in general had never experienced a substantial and sustained increase of either. One reason they had not increased was that the average length of a human life had not increased… Average life expectancy in England in the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries—twenty-four years—was about the same as it had been in the Roman Egypt…. Twenty-four years is too short for the average person to acquire much human or nonhuman wealth, so per capita real income was close to the subsistence level, and average annual real economic grow during the whole period was approximately zero (p.34).
This assumption was a weakness in their economic theory. When the standard of living began to grow during the mid-sixteenth century, they could not explain it. It also affected their understanding of interest.
The scholastic assumption that economies did not grow was directly relevant to the controversy about interest and usury… The scholastics carefully analyzed the components of interest and resolved them into three: the risk of loss (damnum emergens) when the borrower defaults or repays the loan in depreciated money; the opportunity cost of forgoing income from alternative investments (lucrum cessans); and the pure interest (interesse) excluding these factors. A consensus allowed for the charging of interest to compensate for risk of loss, but it did not allow charging pure interest, while there was disagreement about whether it was right to expect compensation for opportunity cost.

A stagnant economy, the kind the early Scholastics routinely assumed, rarely produces aggregate business profits, because new production at best replaces goods consume directly and the human and nonhuman capital used up in the process (p.35).
Mueller suggests that the reason the Scholastics objected to pure interest was empirical rather than moral. They believed it was impossible to get a return on an investment, so pure interest could not exist. If someone was able to get a return, it was because they were exploiting other people.

Friday, January 24, 2014

Redeeming Economics (11) Smiths Folly

In his book called Redeeming Economics, John D Mueller is strongly critical of Adam Smith. He explains the sources of his confusion.

There are three keys to understanding Smith, both as a philosopher and as an economist: his moral Newtonianism, his philosophical Stoicism, and his Sophistical view of rhetoric.

First, Smith was in friendly competition with his older friend David Hume to do for moral philosophy what he believed Isaac Newton had done for natural science: to reduce all its phenomena to a single familiar principle, like gravity. He was always aiming, as he put it in an unpublished manuscript, “to see the phenomena which we reckoned the most unaccountable all deduced from some principle (commonly a well-known) and all united in one chain.” He wanted an economic system with one basic element, not four.
Second, having rejected his Christian baptism well before writing the Wealth of Nations, Smith was a wholehearted convert to the ancient Stoic philosophy–and Stoics are pantheists.

There are two ways in which the providence of Stoic pantheism differs from the biblically orthodox version of Augustine and Aquinas. First, the Stoic god is not a creator, but the world-soul of an eternal and uncreated universe that goes through endless identical cycles of expansion and contraction. Second, it necessarily follows that humans are not creatures endowed with free will, but rather appendages of God fated to do everything they do, good or bad. According to Augustine’s more logically consistent theory of providence, the order in markets and society comes entirely from the virtue (itself a kind of order) that remains even in bad people as long as they exist.

Finally, Smith was much more proficient (and interested) in rhetoric than in logical, systematic analysis. When first hired by the University of Glasgow as Professor of Logic (he later became Professor of Moral Philosophy), he immediately changed the course to teach rhetoric instead of the prescribed logic and metaphysics. Moreover, as his lectures and unpublished papers make clear, Smith disagreed fundamentally with Aristotle about the nature of rhetoric.

According to Aristotle, the purpose of rhetoric “is not to persuade, but to discover the available means of persuasion in a given case.” Why? “In Rhetoric, as in Dialectic, we should be able to argue on either side of a question; not with a view to putting both sides into practice–we must not advocate evil–but in order that no aspect of the case may escape us, and that if our opponents make unfair use of the arguments, we may be able to refute them.”

Smith’s view of rhetoric, in contrast, resembled that of the Sophists who opposed Plato and Aristotle, by placing a higher value on whether a statement is useful to the speaker than whether it is an accurate description of reality. Smith taught his students, “The Rhetoricall [discourse] again endeavours by all means to persuade us; and for this purpose magnifies all the arguments on one side and diminishes or conceals those that might be brought on the side contrary to that which it is designed that we should favour.” And this, as we will see, is exactly how Smith presents his economic theory.

Smith’s moral Newtonianism induced him to oversimplify the economic theory he had inherited. In his earlier Theory of Moral Sentiments, he tried to reduce all moral philosophy to the single sentiment of sympathy; Smith attempted in the Wealth of Nations to explain all economic behavior by the single principle of labor–but he never achieved a theory that could reconcile these two.
Smith’s philosophical Stoicism accounts for his rejection of some elements of the scholastic outline and retention of others. In the Theory of Moral Sentiments, Smith rejected the scholastic theories of final distribution and utility on the grounds that they presume rational, purposive behavior.

In Smith’s view–and here the pantheism becomes apparent–decisions about ends and means, rather than being decided by human beings, are ultimately dictated to them by an inscrutable Stoic version of providence, which engages the vast majority of humankind in a “deception” about the “real satisfaction” afforded by economic goods. By systematically manipulating human emotion, the Stoic Author of Nature supposedly “rouses and keeps in continual motion the industry of mankind,” luring most people (except the Stoic sage) into vice. The rich are seduced by greed into “selfishness and rapacity,” while the “mob of mankind” is corrupted by envy of the rich. Yet all is for the best. To satisfy their “vain and insatiable desires,” the rich few must employ the envious mob, and so “they are led by an invisible hand to make nearly the same distribution of the necessaries of life, which would have been made, had the earth been divided into equal portions among its inhabitants.”

Smith’s famous “invisible hand,” therefore, is not a summary of his economic analysis; it is a rhetorical plug that he substitutes where the two elements of economic analysis that he eliminated are required: the scholastic theories of final distribution and utility. Moreover, “invisible hand” is a thoroughly apt metaphor: his philosophy reduces humans to puppets compelled to act by hidden manipulation.

Since Smith treats final distribution and utility by omission rather than revision, it is easy to overlook their significance when we come upon the passages in the Wealth of Nations in which their omission is signaled.

Smith’s elimination of Augustine’s theory of personal distribution from the outline of economic theory is signaled in the passage that includes his famous declaration: “It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from their regard to their own interest. We address ourselves not to their humanity but to their self-love, and never talk to them of our necessities but of their advantages.”

In Augustine’s theory, the main reason the brewer or baker doesn’t serve his customers from beneficence is not exclusive self-love, but rather the fact of scarcity: if the baker shared his bread equally with every customer instead of charging for it, he would leave himself and his family too little to live on. Augustine’s theory also explains why the brewer or baker shares with his family or friends but not with his business customers: he loves his customers only with benevolence (wishing good to them) with both benevolence and beneficence (doing good to them). He sells his product to customers to earn the means to provide for himself and the rest of his family.

Augustine’s theory of personal distribution explains the essential difference between a gift and an exchange, and provides a measure of how far each of us actually is motivated by self-love and how much by love of neighbor. By treating self-love as the only motive of economic behavior, Smith replaced Augustine’s empirically verifiable theory of personal distribution with an arbitrary and often false assumption: that no one ever shares his wealth with anyone else. Both classical and neoclassical economics implicitly assume that we’ve always already made our choice of persons–and have always chosen “number one”: ourselves.
Smith fails to grapple with the fact that charitable behavior simply does not fit into a theory that reduces all human transactions to exchange and self-love. He never explains why customers never expect their dinner from the butcher’s beneficence, yet his friends occasionally and his children always expect it.

Shortly after dismissing the scholastic theory of final distribution with this assertion about universal self-love, Smith dismisses the scholastic theory of utility by posing what is sometimes called the “paradox of value.” Without offering a solution to this apparent paradox, Smith rhetorically throws up his hands and abandons discussion of value in use, as if the concept were absurd.
This is a case in which Smith “endeavours by all means to persuade us; and for this purpose magnifies all the arguments on one side and diminishes or conceals those that might be brought on the side contrary to that which it is designed that we should favour.” Though Smith twitted Hume in the Theory of Moral Sentiments for retaining Augustine’s theory of utility, students’ lecture notes show that Smith continued teaching it for several years in his own university lectures, posing the same paradox involving diamonds and water he later raised in Wealth of Nations, and easily resolved it along scholastic lines, explaining the difference in value by the combination of utility and scarcity.

Thursday, January 23, 2014

Redeeming Economics (10) Personalism

In his book called Redeeming Economics, John D Mueller explains the difference between individualism and personalism.

The scholastics (and “neoscholastics” like Wicksteed) adopted Augustine’s method of personalism, which recognizes the moral freedom and responsibility of each person to make free choices about both the ends and means of economic activity. The fact of personal interdependence is expressed above all by the fact that every person, like every community, has a distribution function. Utilitarian philosophy adopts a method of individualism, largely ignoring the fact of relationships among different persons and assuming that everyone has the peculiar kind of distribution function in which all goods are distributed to the self. For the same reason, Utilitarianism can treat a household or larger community only as if it were a single organism— not a “unity of order” arising from, and explainable by, the choices freely made by persons who recognize and act upon their interdependence. The modern Utilitarians have therefore missed—as Philip Wicksteed did not—the most important lesson that the mother has to teach: All human action, including economic activity, is done by persons and for persons. Human economic activity is not ultimately done by “individuals” for “utility.”

Let’s pause and summarize what we learned from observing the mother. The first thing to observe is that we are not dealing with an individual, but with a person—that is, (whatever else this term might mean) someone with a number of relationships to others. She is somebody’s wife (offstage at the moment), the mother of at least three other somebodies, and the mistress of a cat. She is someone’s daughter, someone else’s granddaughter (perhaps deceased but not forgotten), and possibly also someone’s sister, aunt, cousin, or niece. She is someone’s friend, and someone’s neighbor. Part of the time, she is also someone’s employee or manager or co-worker. She may be a room mother at her child’s school, or manager of her child’s soccer team. She is the customer of many businesses. Since she considers volunteer work, she may have some role in another community organization. Since she belongs to a church or other religious community, she presumably considers herself a daughter of God, but also may find herself on the education committee. The list, though perhaps exhausting, is far from exhaustive. Considering one woman, therefore, has uncovered a complex web of personal, social, and cultural relationships. And these in turn revealed a definite organization of the society in which she lives: a neighborhood of similar households, voluntary organizations and religious institutions, public or private schools, and presumably one or more levels of government, though we have not glimpsed them directly.

The chief fact of economic organization is that the woman lives with her husband and their children in a household. We note that the ownership of resources is mostly private: the mother and father presumably legally own all the property of the household, as well as their own human resources. But this ownership involves two distinct aspects: its disposition and its use. The parents own and dispose of all the property, but they themselves do not use all the property. Beyond their own use, they allocate a large part of the household’s resources for the use of their children, each of whom has his or her own scale of preferences for goods, but does not yet contribute (much) to acquiring them.

In addition, we saw that the couple chooses to contribute some part of their resources to persons or organizations outside the household. And we assume that they are required to pay taxes, which will be used either to purchase some public goods or transferred to members of some other household. Her husband brings home a money income, probably by working for a business firm (though possibly for a non-profit organization or government), and she also spends some time in the labor market, though usually not as much as her husband. Mostly with the proceeds from such employment (along with any property income or gifts received), they purchase things that have been produced and distributed by such business firms. She and her husband then combine these purchases with their own services for ultimate distribution and use by the various members of the family. And this final use, so far as we can tell by observation, is the ultimate purpose of their economic activity: it is last in the sequence of time, but first in the sense that everything has been planned and executed with this goal in mind. We have thus reached the “end of economics.”

Wednesday, January 22, 2014

Redeeming Economics (9) Scarcity

In his book called Redeeming Economics, John D Mueller discusses Augustine's thinking about scarcity.

We noted that St. Augustine’s insight is crucial in understanding the implications of scarcity for moral choice. What does it mean, he asks, to “love your neighbor as yourself”? Loving someone means willing that person some good. What this involves depends crucially on whether the good involved is “diminished by being shared with others”—that is, scarce.

Though all goods with a material dimension are finite, some are normally so abundant (for example, fresh air at the earth’s surface) that we loosely speak of them as “free.” But we realize that this is not literally the case, when we consider exactly what is involved in providing sufficient air to astronauts in outer space, to divers or submariners under the sea, or to miners far below the earth’s surface. Even at the earth’s surface, fresh air can be diminished by pollution. To be literally free, a good would have to be infinite.

As a Christian, Augustine could conceive of infinite goods such as the love of God or eternal happiness. And he argued that all men can and should love each other equally in wishing other persons such goods. But Augustine also pointed out that we cannot actually give others such a good, only wish it for them. Moral philosophers have traditionally called this kind of love benevolence, or “goodwill.” If love is taken to mean actually sharing one’s scarce goods (which include one’s time and affections) to that person, Augustine says that it is flatly impossible to love every other human equally. Moral philosophers have traditionally called this kind of love beneficence, or “doing good.”

Augustine’s sensible position is that no one is morally obliged to do what is impossible. Therefore, loving your neighbor as yourself cannot mean doing good equally to everyone. “Since you cannot do good to all, you are to pay special regard to those who, by the accidents of time, or place, or circumstance, are brought into closer connection with you.” Differential calculus would not be invented for some 1200 years, but Augustine expresses the idea of “declining marginal significance” by posing the problem of an indivisible good: “Suppose you had a great deal of some commodity, and felt bound to give it away to somebody who had none, and that it could not be given to more than one person; if two persons presented themselves, neither of whom had either from need or relationship a greater claim on you than the other, you could do nothing fairer than choose by lot to which you would give what could not be given to both. Just so among men: since you cannot consult for the good of them all, you must take the matter as decided for you by a sort of lot, according as each man happens for the time being to be more closely connected with you.” Thus Augustine puts the fact of scarcity squarely at the center of moral decision-making.

And all the scholastic “economists” followed him. For example, Thomas Aquinas, after noting that the word "neighbor" denotes the reason for loving—“because they are nigh to us, both as to the natural image of God, and as to the capacity for glory"—concludes, "The mode of love is indicated in the words as thyself. This does not mean that a man must love his neighbor equally as himself, but in like manner as himself."

By way of illustration, consider the famous story of the Good Samaritan, the classic case of “loving one’s neighbor as oneself.” On the road from Jerusalem to Jericho, a Samaritan came upon a Jew beaten by robbers and left for dead. A priest and a Levite—that is, two religious officials of the same faith and nationality as the beaten man—had already seen the man and passed him by. A Samaritan in the 1st Century A.D. had roughly the same relation to a Jew as a Palestinian Arab does to a modern Israeli, or a member of Afghanistan’s Taliban to a modern American. Yet the Samaritan stopped, treated the man’s wounds as best he could, and transported him to an inn.

We are told that the Samaritan paid about two days’ wages in cash to the innkeeper to look after the victim, and promised to pay any further costs on his return. He must have lost at least another half-day’s wages stopping to help. The decision cost him at least half a week’s wages, or 1 percent of his annual income, on the spot. For someone earning $50,000 a year, that would be equivalent to handing out at least $500 in cash for a stranger. The Good Samaritan loved his neighbor “as himself” in the sense that, unlike those who passed by, he treated him as a person like himself. But the gift represented half his income for a week, not for a year or for the rest of his life. He loved his neighbor as himself, but not equally with himself. (I imagine the Good Samaritan’s wife, when he returned home, saying: “You gave what!? To whom?!”).

Common sense and simple arithmetic tell us that St. Augustine was right: the number of human beings with whom it is possible to share one’s scarce goods equally is limited to the fingers of two hands (or even one hand). For most people, substantially equal sharing is limited to their immediate relatives. But it need not be so. It would be entirely feasible for an otherwise unattached person with an average income to share it equally with five close friends, or with five strangers, rather than with five family members. People do it all the time: for example, when joining a religious community. Moreover, most of us can and do voluntarily contribute something to help those in need to whom we are not related. Christians are told that that their lives will be judged on this. “If you do good only to those who do good to you, what virtue is there in that? Even sinners do the same.”

Tuesday, January 21, 2014

Redeeming Economics (8) Crime

In his book called Redeeming Economics, John D Mueller discusses crime and hate.

Just as modern economists have tended to explain love in terms of utility, many have tried to explain crime and other antisocial behavior in terms of utility. Gary Becker was also the leader in expounding this theory...

Like love, crime is not explainable solely in terms of utility. Most people do not commit crimes, even though doing so would increase their wealth (after allowing for the probability of punishment), thus raising the expected total utility of their wealth. To argue that most people must receive utility from not committing crimes reduces the theory to a tautology; it is unscientific, because it renders the theory unfalsifiable.

Crime, or any other kind of subjugation, is the reverse of love. Rather than a gift or voluntary transfer payment given, it is an involuntary transfer payment exacted. In both cases, the motivation of the transfer depends essentially on a weighing of persons, not a weighing of utilities. In gifts (voluntary transfers), the significance of the other person is either positive (for someone who receives a gift) or zero (for someone who doesn’t). In the case of a crime, the criminal gives himself a positive and the victim a negative significance. If I take what belongs to you against your will, I am giving myself a positive significance in a distribution that exceeds 100% of my own resources, and giving you a negative significance in the “distribution.” I may take something from you, or I may destroy something belonging to you. Just as loving one other person half as much as oneself is mathematically equivalent to loving one-and-a-half persons equally, increasing one’s wealth by half through stealing from another persons is mathematically equivalent to loving “two-thirds of a person” equally with oneself. But the number of persons loved equally is always greater than zero, because one always loves oneself.
Here is Mueller's summary.
Crime, like love is essentially not a weighting of utilities, but a weighting of persons. Thus it is always a moral decision. A crime consists in depriving a person of something that belongs to him, giving that person a negative significance in the distribution of goods (pp.109-110).



Monday, January 20, 2014

Redeeming Economics (7) Altruism

In his book called Redeeming Economics, John D Mueller discusses the nature of altruism.

Modern economists are schooled to explain everything in terms of utility, including human love and hate. For example, when Kenneth Arrow considered the nature of “altruism,” he posed three interpretations, all based on utility... The only difference among these three explanations is what kind of utility is supposed to explain altruism—the satisfaction at perceiving others’ satisfaction, the satisfaction at contributing to others’ satisfaction, or the satisfaction of feeling more secure in one’s own possessions as the result of pursuing “enlightened self-interest.” Arrow added, “This classification is not exhaustive, or even exclusive”; but he did not suggest that there is an explanation based on any principle other than utility.

As we have seen, the notion that calculations of utility explain all human action is also at the heart of Becker’s “economic approach to human behavior.” By reducing all human behavior to utility, Becker ‘s approach requires that each person treat other persons for economic purposes only as objects, much the way the mother regards the milk. He argues that people get married or have children “because they expect to increase their utility.” He says that “if more is voluntarily spent on one child than on another, it is because the parents obtain additional utility from the additional expenditure. . .”

In contrast to Becker’s “economic approach to human behaviour,” the main tradition of economic theory has always been based on Augustine’s “human approach to economic behavior.” The logic of economic theory is quite clear that love cannot be based on utility, for the simple reason that utility is derived from love. To love a person for his or her own sake is precisely to treat him or her as an end; and it is only because there is such an end that the means selected to serve that end (like milk or college tuition) have any value. To say that love is based on utility is therefore incurably circular.

In economic theory, human love is essentially neither an emotion nor a weighing of utilities (though these may also be present) but a weighing of persons. If I weigh another person as equal to myself, and the needs and preferences of that person are similar to mine, then I give him or her the use of half of what I have: it’s that simple. If I weigh several people as equal to myself, I divide my property or income equally among all such persons including myself. (If the needs or preferences of the persons differ from mine, I weight—that is, multiply—the marginal significance of the goods by the relative significance of the person.) In other words, loving someone does not increase one’s utility. Rather, our estimate of other persons’ importance, relative to our own, determines how much we are willing to lower our own utility to love them. The relative weight of the self versus other persons is described in each person’s “distribution function.”

Rather than an exchange, love is best described in economic theory as a gift, or voluntary “transfer payment”—that is, a distribution out of one’s resources not made in compensation for useful services rendered. The size of the transfer payment is determined by the resources of the distributor and the relative importance of the recipient in the eyes of the distributor.

Likewise, mutual love (as it is ideally in marriage) is not essentially an exchange of utilities, though of course a mixture of gift and exchange is possible. Mutual love is best viewed as a simultaneous pair of gifts or voluntary transfer payments, of which there is no reason to believe that any equality in gifts should apply—except in the special case in which the resources of each person and their respective estimates of the importance of the other person happen to be exactly identical. But even in this case, the utility of the two gifts for their recipients cannot be assumed to be equal.

Objectively speaking, love always involves sacrifice, regardless of how the person loving feels about it: she may be happy or sad, willing or resentful, or all of these alternatively. The love is expressed by what she does, not what she feels. And it is probably more often the case than not, that the feelings follow the doing, not vice versa.
Mueller applies this to the Mother's Task.
Rather than increasing her utility, here love determines how much value or utility she is willing to sacrifice. Her ability to sacrifice is inherently limited, since the more she distributes to others, the scarcer and the more valuable each remaining unit becomes to herself. Love always involves sacrifice.

Redeeming Economics (6) Augustine's Solution

In his book called Redeeming Economics, John D Mueller explains how Augustine resolved the mother's problem.

If we consider her more closely, we realize that the mother is always doing two things at the same time, not one: she is simultaneously ranking persons as ends, and she is ranking things as means. To understand how she does this, we need to turn to St. Augustine, who might with justice be called the co-founder of economics (along with Aristotle). For it was St. Augustine, as a matter of historical fact, who first described how every human person uses two decision-making tools to integrate his or her economic decisions about scarce means with moral decisions about their ends or ultimate goals. Augustine’s explanation of economic value begins with the broader question of “goods” and “values” in general. So it is of interest not only to the economist or historian of economics, but also to anyone trying to understand the role that economic choice does or should play in his or her own life. Augustine begins by taking a sort of inventory of everything that can be known, and which therefore can be a possible object of value. Everything is obviously a thing, “for what is not a thing is nothing at all.”

We humans are ourselves among those things. Our intellect is what enables us to know what a thing is. And considering things in themselves, we recognize a kind of “scale of being,” ascending from inanimate objects to plants to animals to humans to God. Everything’s intrinsic value is simply its degree of being. Whatever exists, insofar as it exists, is good, in exactly that degree. But if we consider a thing in relation to ourselves, we consider it potentially as something to attain (or avoid): as an object of the will. In this light, a thing is viewed either as an end or a means to an end. An end is said to be “enjoyed,” and a means is said to be “used.” But which things are ends and which are means? What should we enjoy and what should we use? This requires us to rank things, not according to their intrinsic value, but their value to us. Yet we are not forced to choose one thing over another, even if we recognize that either its intrinsic or its moral value is higher. We can choose rightly or wrongly, whether measured by others or by our own understanding. That’s what we mean by “free will.”

By mentioning intellect and free will, we express an important factual distinction among things. Some things are endowed with intellect and free will—these we call “persons”—and some are not. All humans are persons, since humans are “rational animals,” as Aristotle put it, and “made in the image and likeness of God,” as the Bible puts it. Humans are, as far as we know, the only animals that are persons. Other animals are like us in having sense, imagination, memory, affections, desires and aversions, and the ability to calculate means—but not in possessing intellect. Animals therefore also have choice, but not free choice: they can choose their means, but not their ends; because the ends are already determined by natural inclination. Only persons can choose their ends as well as their means. But if all humans are persons, not all persons are human: notably God, whose existence we know both by reason reflecting on experience and by divine revelation.

All this indicates that in human action, says Augustine, persons ought to be considered as ends, and other things as means. This is true, both as a description of, and a prescription for, human action. The Two Great Commandments—“You shall love God with all your heart, soul and mind,” and “You shall love your neighbor as yourself”—agree with the “scale of being” that we find in reality. They are therefore in accord with reason. No commandment, “You shall love yourself,” is necessary, says Augustine, because this is taken for granted: everyone loves himself by nature. The whole problem is to love ourselves “ordinately,” that is, while observing the proper ranking of ultimate moral goods.

But what sets Augustine apart as the co-founder of economics is not his prescription, but his description. Others had said—and would, like Emmanuel Kant, say after him—that persons ought to be treated as ends and not merely as means. Not only Jewish prophets and Christian Apostles, but also Confucian sages and Greek and Roman philosophers, had argued before Augustine, and would argue long after him, about what humans ought to hold as their summum bonum, or highest good. What sets Augustine apart as an analyst is his observation that every human does, in fact, always act with some person as the ultimate end, even if that person is only him- or herself. A miser is said to love money as his highest good, notes Augustine—yet he still parts with it to buy bread to continue living. Augustine does not, however, jump to the empirically false conclusion that every human acts solely for him- or herself. That is precisely what each person is free to decide.

After making this point, Augustine immediately goes on to make another important observation: our ranking of both ends and means is necessarily affected by the fact of scarcity. What does it mean, he asks, to say that “you shall love your neighbor as yourself”? Since loving a person means willing him some good, the kind of love is conditioned by the person loved and the kind of good we will to him. Plato and Aristotle had distinguished between goods of the soul (such as knowledge of truth, or moral virtue), goods of the body (such as health, beauty or physical excellence), and external goods (such as wealth). They noted that external goods should be subordinated to goods of the body, and goods of the body and external goods to goods of the soul. We should therefore want all, but especially the higher, goods, both for ourselves and for those persons we love. But Augustine adds that what “loving others equally” means depends on whether or not the good which we will to them is “diminished by being shared with others.”11 If the good is not scarce, then no problem arises. But when it comes to distributing our scarce goods, it is impossible to share equally with everyone, and therefore in practice we cannot rank all persons equally with ourselves...

However, Augustine goes farther, by observing that every person, by virtue of being a person and therefore having interdependent relations with others, also has a “distribution function,” which determines how the person allocates his scarce goods between himself and others. The principle of distributive justice in any community is independent of the transactions between individual members. But in the case of a person, the principle of distributive justice is identical with the person’s ranking of other persons relative to him- or herself: that is, his love of the other person. We might call this the “Good Samaritan principle,” because it operates whether or not the person expects to receive any current or future benefit from the persons to whom he allocates the use of his goods.13 We’ll consider later on what this means in practice. Augustine had worked all this out and written it around 396 A.D., shortly after becoming bishop of Hippo. But in writing City of God, a sort of history of the human race, which he began in 410, Augustine had to develop a further analytical refinement, which economists now call the “utility function.” Talking about ends and means, “enjoyment” and “use,” becomes difficult when we are trying to describe the actions of men who obey the moral laws as well as of those who don’t. What the good man seeks as his end to “enjoy”, the bad man “uses” as his means.

Moreover, the terminology becomes confusing whenever an act involves a good which is an end under one aspect and a means under another. For example, one’s body and mental skills are an integral part of his person, and yet for analytical purposes the person must be said to “use” this “human capital,” for example, to earn wages to pay for other goods, such as food, which are necessary to sustain the person—whether himself or someone else—who is the end he is said to “enjoy.” And this person who is the purpose of one action may love other persons or intend as his highest end the enjoyment of God, still another person (or, in the Christian understanding, persons). A more general terminology was therefore necessary, and such a terminology is exactly what one needs to relate the personal scales of preference to market prices.14 Utility, explained Augustine, is simply the value of something, not in itself, but viewed as a means to some other end intended by the evaluating person. For example, Augustine noted, the intrinsic value of a live mouse—a sentient being—is obviously higher than that of a plant; yet most of us prefer to have loaves of bread (made from dead plants) rather than live mice in the house.

What Augustine has done, then, is to scale or rank everything in the universe in three ways. The first is the “scale of being,” which includes everything, ranked by its degree of being or intrinsic value. The second is the ultimate moral scale, on which each person selects and ranks the ultimate ends or purposes of action; and these ends consist entirely of persons (always including, but not limited to, the person doing the ranking). The third is the scale of utility, by which each person chooses and ranks the means to attain the ends chosen in his ultimate moral scale. And Augustine has explained that the rankings of both ends and means will be affected by the fact of scarcity. Let’s apply Augustine’s insight to explain what the mother is doing in distributing goods like milk to her family. We’ll break the explanation into two parts, starting with her ranking of means, like milk, before considering her ranking of persons as ends. For the first part, we can draw on Wicksteed’s lucid discussion.

The mother’s choice of means. The mother is forced to choose among different goods because of their scarcity: each good has a cost, and her budget of money, time and other resources is limited. But this raises a fundamental question: how can she value various objects that are so intrinsically different? She has a problem of comparing apples and oranges, so to speak, on a massive scale. How can the mother decide how much of the family’s resources to allocate toward food, a piano, the children’s French lessons or Indian famine relief? She does this, not by focusing on the qualities in which the various goods and services differ, but on the quantitative respect in which they are similar: namely, their ability to satisfy human needs or wants. This is what we always have to do when we choose between one scarce good and another.

A large part of what the mother is doing, then, is comparing the “differential significances” or “marginal utilities” of goods: whether of the same good in different uses, or of different goods in the same use, or of different goods in different uses. “We may conceive of a general ‘scale of preferences’ or ‘relative scale of estimates’ on which all objects of desire or pursuit (positive or negative) find their place, and which registers the terms on which they would be accepted as equivalents or preferred one to the other.”16 Such comparisons are necessary whenever we choose among limited alternatives, whether or not exchange is involved.

In all her economic decisions about scarce means, the mother is constantly applying two fundamental principles. The first is what Wicksteed calls the “declining marginal significance” of scarce goods. We said that the significance of any given amount of a good depends on how much of the good we already possess, and that in valuing goods we are always considering the difference made by one unit added to or subtracted from what we own. Declining marginal significance means that each additional unit adds to one’s well-being, but not by as much as the previous unit. The value of a glassful of milk depends not only on whether you like milk, but also on how long it’s been since you last drank any. If you’ve just had two glasses, the value of a third glass will be lower than if you haven’t had any since yesterday. This is why a baby, when she is hungry, drinks the first half of the bottle of milk more eagerly than the second half, until at some point she is full. If she drinks too much she may wish she had had less. Too much of a “good” can turn into a “bad.” In that case, the total significance does not merely rise at a slower rate, but actually falls. But when the baby feels better and gets hungry again, the milk turns back into a “good.” I said that as the quantity of a scarce good increases, its marginal significance declines “after a certain point.” Before that point, it’s quite possible for the marginal significance of a good to increase with its quantity.

When considering a single good in different uses, like milk, the mother applies the rule of declining marginal significances by satisfying the most urgent need first. Let’s return to the simple example with which we started. We recall that the baby gets to drink until she is full, before any milk goes to the older children. The older children’s cups in turn ordinarily take precedence over milk for the adults’ tea or coffee; and milk for the adults’ daily coffee or tea normally takes precedence over an occasional pudding or a saucerful as a treat for the family cat. The baby receives her milk before the older children because her need is judged more urgent, which means that more milk is necessary to reduce its marginal significance to any given level. The older children’s need for milk comes next in significance, which means that it takes less milk to reduce its urgency to the same level, as judged by the mother, as the baby’s after drinking the larger amount. And so on, down to the cat. That these priorities are not absolute becomes clear if the quantity available for all uses should change—say, because half the milk spoils, or if an unexpected use should arise. If the baby can drink other liquids like juice, or if water can be mixed with baby formula, there is the possibility of using a little less milk for the baby, and so leaving at least some for the older children. Or if there is no spoilage but the mother’s friend should unexpectedly drop by for tea or coffee, or wish to borrow a cup for a recipe, there is no great harm in giving the older children cups of milk that are slightly less full that day and serving them more of other food or liquids. The cat may receive extra dry food and affection, but no milk. Or even the milk for mixing in the adults’ beverages may give way if, say, the cat suddenly turns up after a week’s absence.

But here we must recall our earlier discussion. The mother is always doing two things, not one thing: she is weighing persons as ends and things as means. She is not merely considering the marginal significance of milk: she is effectively multiplying the marginal significance of milk times what might be called the “marginal significance of the person.”
Mueller sums up Augustines solution to the Mother's problem this way. Neoclassical economics cannot explain this.
Instead of always doing one thing—maximising the utility to herself of various things—the mother is always doing two things: weighing the importance of persons as ends, and the utility of things to serve those persons.